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Document name: The Literature of Demonology and Witchcraft
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THE SALEM TRIALS

The original materials on this website dealing with witchcraft prosecutions in the late seventeenth century in Essex County and the Massachusetts Bay Colony include a number of texts from seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Britain whose influence and arguments extended into North America. They represent the tension between the sceptical tradition and the belief in spirit activity. Thomas Ady --probably a physician in Essex, England--represents a powerful, sceptical voice in the tradition of Johann Weyer and Reginald Scot. His works (A Candle in the Dark, 1656; second edition retitled A Perfect Discovery of Witches, 1661) expressed considerable doubts about the reality of witchcraft and greatly criticized physicians who attributed physical afflictions too readily to demonic interference. Ady and the sceptical tradition were echoed in the work of John Webster, The displaying of supposed witchcraft, of 1677, and the dissenting minister George Burroughs, one of the victims of the Salem Village prosecutions in 1692, quoted Ady favorably.

Conversely, the reality of witchcraft and spirit activity generally were also asserted with considerable passion. In the context of apocalypticism in England, the work of Nathaniel Homes (Holmes), Daemonologie and Theologie, in 1650, expressed millenarian ideas similar to those of Cotton Mather a generation later. Spirit activity was illustrated in the work of Richard Baxter (1615-1691), a Puritan divine, millenarian, and friend of Increase Mather, who was contemptuous of popular religion but convinced of the reality of spirit activity. Part of a movement in late seventeenth-century England more generally identified with Joseph Glanvill and Henry More, he was seeking to justify belief in the activities of the spirit world by identifying as many authentic cases of spirit activity as possible against the sceptical tradition represented by Weyer, Scot, Ady, and Webster.26 Increase Mather also drew upon the continental literature on witchcraft and demonology, both for arguments and for sources. He knew the work of the sceptic Johann Weyer, and he drew for patristic sources on the early seventeenth-century work of Petrus Thyraeus among others.27

The sceptical tradition, however, continued into the early eighteenth century. The earlier debates are reflected in the work of Francis Hutchinson, Bishop of Down and Connor (1660-1739), whose highly sceptical Historical Essay Concerning Witchcraft appeared in 1718 and was expanded in 1720, and Richard Boulton (fl. 1697-1724), who enthusiastically defended the reality of magic and witchcraft specifically against the criticisms of Hutchinson.

Both sceptics and believers were heard in British North America, and the trials at Salem Village throughout most of 1692 became their focus. There is no need here for yet another narrative historical account of the trials and their repercussions, nor for a full reproduction of materials now readily available in print, although many theological pamphlets of the period shed considerable light on the specific discussions of witchcraft and need to be consulted by the specialist. This website offers examples of a number of different positions and opinions held both by those who participated in the trials and those who opposed or later criticized them.

THE PRIMARY WORKS PRODUCED BY THE SALEM TRIALS

This website includes works by Increase Mather, Cotton Mather, and Deodat Lawson representing what might be termed the Calvinist/Congregationalist position: that witchcraft actually occurred, and that it was permitted by God at a particularly urgent and troubled time in the history of New England, although each case ought to be evaluated on its own terms. Neither fully committed to the abstract notion of a "witch-hunt," nor able to disengage themselves from their interpretation of the particular cases in Salem Village, the Mathers and Lawson may be said to represent the theoretical and guarded theological justification for what was, after all, an essentially secular prosecution.

The works of Robert Calef, John Hale, and Thomas Maule, the latter being a Quaker who knew well the consequences of witchcraft accusations directed against Quakers, represent the critical literature from both lay and clerical perspectives.28 Calef's More Wonders of the Invisible World, a reply to Cotton Mather's Wonders of the Invisible World, is perhaps the best known, longest, and most sustained attack on theological assumptions in late seventeenth-century New England. Hale and Maule offer two distinct theological perspectives on the position taken by Cotton Mather.

The plaintive claim of William Good for damages endured as the result of the execution of his wife, Sarah, on July 19, 1692, suggests that the Salem stories, having originated in a legal and theological worldview applied to particular circumstances, ended in a legal world-view in which damages could be sought from the authority of a mistaken court.

-notes-



26W. M. Lamont, Richard Baxter and the Millennium: Protestant Imperialism and the English Revolution (London, 1979). It is worth pointing out that, for all of his creative use of the New England past, Whittier seems to have been fairly well acquainted with some of both the English and continental literature of the sceptical tradition. See The Supernaturalism of New England.
27On Thyraeus, see Lea, Materials, II, 624-627.
28On Quakers and earlier witchcraft accusations, see Peter Elmer, "‘Saints or Sorcerers': Quakerism, demonology and the decline of witchcraft in seventeenth-century England," in Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe, 145-179.